![]() ![]() As regards their specific impact on the onset of depression, whereas the three are clearly distinct depressogenic inferential styles ( Abela, McGirr, & Skitch, 2007), it is still unclear to what extent all must be present to induce hopelessness, and thereby depression (e.g., Abela & Hankin, 2008 Abela et al., 2007). Research examining stability of such negative cognitive styles among young adults ( Hankin, Fraley, & Abela, 2005) and youth ( Hankin, 2008a) has supported these assumptions. ![]() These depressogenic inferential styles are considered to be trait-like dimensions, namely general tendencies to make specific kinds of inferences ( Abramson et al., 1989) and to habitually explain negative and positive life events ( Weiner & Graham, 1999). In particular, individuals are more likely to become depressed if they: 1) explain negative events in their life with stable and global causes, 2) perceive stressors as leading to other negative consequences, and 3) perceive negative events as implying something negative about the self. The theory specifically postulates that distinct depressogenic inferential styles serve as distal contributory causes of hopelessness depression. According to hopelessness theory, a series of contributory causes interact with one another to culminate in a sufficient cause of a specific subtype of depression: hopelessness depression ( Abramson et al., 1989). Recent years have seen a rapid growth in studies testing cognitive theories of vulnerability to depression in child and adolescent samples ( Abela & Hankin, 2008).Īmong cognitive diathesis–stress theories, the hopelessness theory of depression ( Abramson, Metalsky, & Alloy, 1989) has been extensively investigated across several developmental periods. Whereas during the 1980s and 1990s, when studies based on diathesis–stress models began to accumulate in the literature, the empirical focus was almost exclusively on adults. Furthermore, cognitive theories are fundamentally diathesis-stress models in that they posit that depression is produced by the interaction between an individual’s cognitive vulnerabilities and certain environmental conditions that serve to trigger this diathesis into operation ( Ingram et al., 1998). All of these cognitive variables have significant causal implications for the onset and maintenance of depression ( Ingram, Miranda, & Segal, 1998). These theories are primarily concerned with the relationship between human cognitive activity and the experience of depressive symptoms, and cognition is conceptualized to encompass the mental processes of perceiving, recognizing, conceiving, judging, and reasoning. Findings point to the role of multiple factors in predicting children’s depression in the long term and commend the promotion of self-efficacy beliefs and the modification of cognitive dysfunctional styles as relevant protective factors.Ī large body of research has accumulated examining cognitive theories of vulnerability to depression since their introduction in the late 1960s ( Abramson et al., 2002 Nolen-Hoeksema & Corte, 2004 Zuroff, Santor, & Mongrain, 2004). Furthermore, children reporting higher social self-efficacy beliefs showed a smaller elevation in levels of depressive symptoms when reporting an increases in stress than children with lower social self-efficacy beliefs. Results showed that high levels of academic and social self-efficacy beliefs predicted lower levels of depressive symptoms, whereas negative cognitive styles about consequences predicted higher depression. Children ( N = 554 males: 51.4%) attending second and third grade completed measures of depressive symptoms, negative cognitive styles, negative life events, and academic and social self-efficacy beliefs at four time-points over 6 months. The current multi-wave longitudinal study on childhood examined the role that social and academic self-efficacy beliefs and cognitive vulnerabilities play in predicting depressive symptoms in response to elevations in idiographic stressors. ![]()
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